New poll highlights blame game in Poland’s judicial crisis
Poland’s legal system is in chaos, reflecting deep political divisions and eroding trust. A poll shows half of Poles blame PiS for the crisis, but frustration extends to the entire political class
A new poll reveals what many of us already know: Poland is mired in legal chaos, and the country is bitterly divided over who’s to blame. Nearly half of respondents (48%) point the finger at the former PiS government for creating this mess, while others are more evenly split between blaming everyone or, less convincingly, the new Tusk-led coalition.
The poll, conducted by United Surveys for Wirtualna Polska, gathered responses from 1,000 people between December 20 and 22. The results a deepenig eroding of trust and political polarisation.
Poland's legal system is in shambles. The controversies are well known: judicial reforms that include the controversial establishment of the Disciplinary Chamber in the Supreme Court, which critics argue undermines judicial independence by enabling political influence over judges, a constitutional court marred by internal conflicts, and now a bizarre showdown over campaign finance.
Judges have been removed or replaced under questionable circumstances, deepening the sense of instability. The Supreme Court has been split into contentious chambers with disputed legitimacy, and the National Council of the Judiciary, which appoints judges and should be a key safeguard for judicial independence, has become a political tool.
These changes have sparked protests domestically and condemnation from the EU, which for a while isolated Poland on the international stage.
In the latest episode, the State Electoral Commission (PKW) was forced to act on a December ruling by a controversial Supreme Court chamber, approving PiS’s financial report from the 2023 elections. The PKW, clearly uneasy, even issued a statement distancing itself from the legitimacy of the ruling. The crisis has led to some commentators speculating that both bodies may question the result of this year's presidential election depending on who's side wins.
This chaos isn’t new. It is the product of years of controversial judicial reforms under PiS. Starting in 2015, PiS overhauled key institutions like the Constitutional Tribunal and Supreme Court, sparking domestic protests and conflict with the European Union. In June 2023, the European Court of Justice ruled that Poland’s 2019 judicial reforms violated EU law by undermining judicial independence. Despite financial penalties and international condemnation, PiS resisted compliance, setting the stage for the current crisis.
The recent election brought hope for change, but progress has been slow. Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s government has faced significant roadblocks. In August 2024, President Andrzej Duda referred a government bill reforming the National Council of the Judiciary to the Constitutional Tribunal, delaying attempts to revise the judicial appointment process. The result is a state of legal dualism, with different branches of government disputing or ignoring unfavourable rulings, creating uncertainty and further eroding trust.
The survey by United Surveys for Wirtualna Polska asked a simple but loaded question: “Who is most responsible for Poland’s legal chaos?” The results are both predictable and revealing.
PiS tops the blame chart with 48%, reflecting the widespread belief that their years in power left the legal system in disarray. But here’s where it gets interesting: 30% of respondents say everyone is to blame. That’s not apathy; it’s a damning indictment of the entire political class.
And then there’s the 22% who blame the new government, showing that even Tusk’s team isn’t immune to criticism, despite having their hands tied by the president's veto.
The poll confirms Poland's long-term polarisation. Among voters who backed Tusk’s coalition, an overwhelming 76% blame PiS, with none, literally zero, pointing to the current government.
On the other hand, PiS and Konfederacja voters overwhelmingly (60%) blame the new government for the chaos, even though the real damage was done before they took office. Only 3% of PiS voters admit their party might share some responsibility.
Then there are the unaligned voters, the so-called moderates. They’re not much more forgiving. A solid 62% blame PiS, 34% blame everyone, and just 4% point to Tusk’s coalition. This group, perhaps more than any other, reflects the growing disillusionment with the entire political system. They’re not picking sides; they’re losing faith altogether.
This legal chaos isn’t happening in a vacuum. It is part of a broader trend of democratic backsliding, institutional decay, and a breakdown of trust. Poland’s political class, across the board, has turned the judiciary into a battleground. Instead of protecting the rule of law, it has become a tool for settling scores. The public is paying the price.
What’s worse is that this crisis mirrors the deep divides in Polish society. Whether it is the judiciary, the EU, or even historical narratives, every issue seems to split the country into two camps, each shouting past the other. The legal system, which is suupposed to be a symbol of impartiality, has become another weapon in this culture war. It is hard to see how trust can be rebuilt when even the courts are seen as partisan.
Poland’s legal crisis has serious implications, not just for its people but for its standing in Europe. Tusk’s government must act decisively to restore trust, depoliticize the judiciary. Whether they succeed will determine Poland’s future and its place in Europe for years to come.
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